The International Spectator, Vol. 58, No. 3, September 2023

Populist Agendas and Gender Rights: A Cross-national Perspective

Patriarchal Populism: The Conservative Political Action Coalition (CPAC) and the Transnational Politics of Authoritarian Anti-Feminism
Rebecca Sanders and Laura Dudley Jenkins
In recent years, populist movements and regimes have proliferated around the world, pledging to uphold the interests of the ‘pure people’ against corrupt ‘elites.’ Among right-wing populists, ‘globalists’ and feminists are cast in the latter role, framed as dangerous threats to the restoration of national greatness. Meanwhile, alleged ‘gender ideology’ is rebuked, while women’s reproductive and LGBTQ equality rights are legally curtailed. We examine the convergence of populism and anti-feminism within the framework of patriarchal populism, analysing how proponents of this worldview coordinate across borders. To illustrate these trends, we focus on meetings of the Conservative Political Action Coalition (CPAC), a large and influential gathering begun in the United States (US) and increasingly dominated by the far-right, which is rapidly internationalising. Observing political discourse at CPAC Hungary and Texas in 2022, we identify common themes including advocacy of transnational right-wing coalitions, fearmongering about threats to the West, calls to control education and knowledge production, and bellicose advocacy of illiberal strongman leadership. Anti-feminism is woven throughout these frames, positioning right-wing populism as a significant challenge to women’s and LGBTQ rights in the US and elsewhere.
Keywords: transnational populism; women’s rights; LGBTQ rights; United States; Hungary
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Negotiated Conformism: Gender Norms, Everyday Politics and Pro-government Actors in Turkey
Bilge Yabanci and Erol Saglam
Despite ideological alignment, right-wing populist constituencies and civic groups may openly resist and renegotiate the anti-gender and anti-feminist stances of populist parties through a process we call negotiated conformism. To analyse this phenomenon, we draw on two qualitative datasets from Turkey: one focusing on ordinary citizens who ideologically support and vote for the populist-conservative Justice and Development Party (AKP); the other on conservative and openly pro-AKP civil society organisations. Negotiated conformism brings three facts to light that contradict current literature on right-wing populism: 1) civil society actors and the constituency may demonstrate agency and independence from their parties with regard to gender equality; 2) populist parties fail to consolidate complete control over the civic space; and 3) multiple pathways exist to forge agency and subjectivity within populist gender orders and hierarchies. These findings highlight that populist constituencies are not homogenous and simply submissive actors, echoing only what the leaders of populist-conservative movements preach. The populist-authoritarian desire to polarise society into two clearly defined camps based on a conservative gender order does not always resonate with supporters. Our conclusion calls for the disaggregation and decentring of the ‘demand side’ of populism to account for its diverse practitioners and networks.
Keywords: Populism; conservatism; gender; LGBTQ*; civil society; agency
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PiS’s Biopolitical Sovereignty vis-à-vis Brussels’ ‘Gender Ideology’: The LGBTIQ Issue on the Eve of the 2023 Polish General Election
Alexandra Yatsyk
On the eve of the 2023 Polish general election, the conflict between the incumbent PiS (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość – Law and Justice) party and the European Union on the LGBTIQ issue can be framed as a clash of two biopolitical projects – the EU’s (which follows democratic principles and refers to LGBTIQ rights as human rights) and Poland’s (which accepts the EU’s paradigm of human rights but tries to establish its own biopolitical vision of the LGBTIQ community) – that went through four stages. At each stage, PiS created new zones of biopolitical exclusion: normative, in a kind of ‘biopolitical conservatism’; spatial, as in the case of the establishment of ‘LGBT-free zones’; and legislative, such as issuing the Charters of Family Rights and opening court cases against the LGBTIQ community. The ‘battle’ between Brussels and Warsaw, which resulted in the adoption of the European Commission-Poland Partnership Agreement 2021-27, can be a demonstration of the power of the EU against illiberal backlashes. Yet this ‘war’ is hardly close to an end. Brussels’ criticism of PiS’s anti-LGBTIQ policy has not led the incumbent party to abandon its anti-LGBTIQ agenda during the election campaign but has rather brought nuance to it.
Keywords: biopopulism; Poland; LGBTIQ; biopolitical sovereignty; spaces of exception
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The Russia-Ukraine War beyond the West

Alternative World Orders? Russia’s Ukraine War and the Domestic Politics of the BRICS
Stefan A. Schirm
Russia’s war in Ukraine has sharpened the contours of alternative world orders. These diverging orders emerged in recent decades through the creation of distinct institutions and policy positions by the ‘Political South’. While the ‘Political West’ emphasises democracy, market economy and universal human rights as guiding principles for international order, the Political South prioritises national autonomy, non-intervention in internal affairs and state-permeated economies. The Political South rejects military aid to Ukraine and sanctions against Russia, cultivates a good relationship with Moscow and criticises Western conceptions of world order as paternalistic. Core actors of the ‘Southern World Order’ (SWO) are the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, the People’s Republic of China [PRC] and South Africa), which created international institutions as alternatives to the Liberal International Order (LIO). These countries, however, did not leave the LIO and continue to have close economic relations with the West. This double-track strategy arguably correlates with the plurality of domestic societal forces, which includes ideational and material ties with the West.
Keywords: international order; Russia’s invasion of Ukraine; BRICS; domestic politics; societal approach
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The Ukraine War, Food Trade and the Network of Global Crises
Hussam Hussein and Matyas Knol
Although the Russia–Ukraine war has had only a limited impact on the agricultural production in the two belligerent states, it has triggered a number of interlocking ripple effects, which have exacerbated pre-existing strains in the supply chain. The war is best seen not as an isolated shock, whose effects can be traced along a single linear axis, but as a factor in a network of interlocking global crises. The initial small drop in food supply has translated into market panic, spiking inflation and food insecurity in import-dependent areas, subsequently enhancing geopolitical dislocation. Quantitative data on food prices and trade and production volumes will be combined with a qualitative study of the war’s socio-political ripples in at-risk regions to examine the effects of the war on the global food trade and put these in a theoretical framework, outlining the links between geopolitics, socio-economic strains, disruptions to global commodity markets and food insecurity.
Keywords: Ukraine war; food security; food trade; global crises
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Regional and Global Revisionism: Russia and China in a Comparative Perspective
Barbara Pisciotta
What happens when a state is dissatisfied with its status quo or perceives its decline on the international stage? What variables determine the nature, degree and extent of a country’s revisionist threat? A preliminary distinction between status quo and revisionist powers lies in the opposite tendency to either strengthen or threaten the distribution of power and goods, international rules and territorial order. Drawing on these premises, a new typology of revisionism is proposed based on four variables: power capabilities, objectives of the revisionist policy, the means employed and the level of action. The aim is to develop a theoretical framework that can identify and differentiate between past and present types of revisionism through an interpretative grid that takes into account not only the factors that are already known (for example, objectives and means) but also the link between power capabilities, objectives and the level of action. It will thus be possible to explain the difference between the current Russian and Chinese revisionist policies.
Keywords: regional revisionism; global revisionism; Russia; China
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South and South-East Asia vis-à-vis China’s Rise

India-China Rivalry: The Contest That Is Shaping the “Asian Century”
Amrita Jash
The 21st century is expected to be the dawn of the “Asian Century”, with Asia becoming the centre of gravity of great power politics. What contributes to the shaping of this century is the rise of two Asian powers, India and China, which share common aspirations but act differently. The context of the “Asian century” is discussed based on the geopolitical dynamics between India and China, as differing perceptions combined with a clash of interests have led to geopolitical conflict and competition between the two countries. From this perspective, the “Asian Century” is being shaped by the ‘confrontational coexistence’ between India and China, which implies a departure from the long-held axiom of ‘peaceful coexistence’.
Keywords: India; China; Asian Century; Indian Ocean; US
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Bureaucratic Politics and Informality in Foreign Policy-making: The Case of Indonesia-China Relations
Moch Faisal Karim, Andini Gobel and I Gede Wahyu Wicaksana
How do governments respond to bilateral relationships characterised by growing economic cooperation on one side and concerns about national security on the other? The existing literature has mainly employed systemic, domestic and individual levels of analysis, but has failed to scrutinise the important bureaucratic aspect of policy-making. By focusing on Indonesia’s policy towards the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) assertiveness in the South China Sea (SCS), we examine the role of the ‘curator’, an official tasked with ensuring successful policy outcomes by often bypassing formal institutions in the policy-making process. Arguably, the main reason Indonesia maintained a relatively coherent policy can be attributed to the role of the curator, who worked within an informal space to coordinate maritime policies enacted by a bureaucratic apparatus that was deemed to be hindering the president’s approach. By incorporating informality as a mode of coordination, this analysis of Indonesia-China relations advances the bureaucratic politics model in FPA.
Keywords: Indonesia; PRC; bureaucratic politics; informal space; policy-making; South China Sea
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Present and Future of EU Climate Policy

Assessing the EU’s Evolving Position in Energy Geopolitics under Decarbonisation
Marco Giuli and Sebastian Oberthür
As a major importer of fossil fuels, the EU will likely see its position in the geopolitics of energy change following its commitment to carbon neutrality by 2050. This article analyses the implications of the energy transition for the EU’s role in energy geopolitics, looking at declining and emerging energy dependences by investigating the EU’s exposure to the material foundations of interdependence (sensitivity) and its ability to manage them (vulnerability). The EU is generally in a more advantageous geopolitical position in a clean energy order than in the current fossil fuel-based energy system. This is mostly a result of the geological distribution and specific material features of clean energy materials and the EU’s ability to manage such interdependence, as decarbonisation involves a set of policy areas where the EU shows important external strengths. Weaknesses may persist, however, as growing contestation could render sectoral state-like industrial policies more central to geo-economic competition.
Keywords: European Union; interdependence; geopolitics; energy transition; climate change; climate policy
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Parallel Universe: EU Cross-forum Coherence on Climate in International Transport Fora
Joseph Earsom
Following the Paris Agreement, the European Union (EU) prioritised climate negotiations in the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) and the International Maritime Organization (IMO), attempting to work in a way that was consistent with the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). Examining the negotiations of ICAO CORSIA (Carbon Offsetting and Reduction Scheme for International Aviation, 2016) and the IMO Initial Strategy (2018), I demonstrate that the EU’s objectives and external action were in fact incoherent with its approach to the UNFCCC. This incoherence appeared to be the result of a limited appetite for climate action in ICAO/IMO. In the former, this situation was exacerbated by the forum’s technical nature, mismatched priorities and limited coordination between EU climate and transport spheres. In the latter, a lack of political interest at the EU and international levels also played a role.
Keywords: European Union; climate change; transport decarbonisation; policy coherence; international climate governance
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Book Reviews

The Making of ‘Environmentalism’ as an International Norm: Global Environmental Politics from the 19th to the 21st century
Lisanne Groen
Review of: Environmentalism and global international society / Robert Falkner. – Cambridge ; New York : Cambridge University Press, 2021. - xiv, 351 p. - (Cambridge studies in international relations ; 156). - ISBN 978-1-108-83301-1; 978-1-108-96401-2 (pbk); 978-1-108-96669-6 (ebk)
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The ‘Sovereign’s Dilemma’: Accounting for State Development in Imperial China
Guillaume Beaud
Review of: The rise and fall of imperial China : the social origins of state development / Yuhua Wang. - Princeton ; Oxford : Princeton University Press, 2022. - xviii, 329 p. : ill. - (Princeton studies in contemporary China). - ISBN 978-0-691-21517-4 ; 978-0-691-21516-7 (pbk) ; 978-0-691-23751-0 (ebk)
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